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Clark was dedicated to his family. When the boat became too dilapidated he replaced it with a cottage in the town in For Fagan, Clark was "one of the most important prehistorians of the twentieth century",  an individual whose "intellectual influence on archaeology was enormous", producing a "legacy to prehistory [that] will endure for generations".
Coles noted that among continental European scholars, Clark was "the most respected British prehistorian" of his generation. The archaeologists Arkadiusz Marciniak and John Coles stated that Clark was one of the "eminent archaeologists" who helped to establish prehistoric archaeology as a "fully professional discipline" with explicitly outlined goals and methods and an institutional foundation. They noted that up to that point there had been "little in-depth assessment" of Clark's influence in archaeology, in particular in contrast to the large number of Childe.
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From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia. Bromley , England. Cambridge , England. Clark began as an archaeologist interested in the use, manufacture, and distribution of implements but quickly became an archaeologist interested in the activities that the use, manufacture, and distribution of implements imply. Grahame Clark was conservative, sometimes magisterial, even rude, but his archaeology was sometimes tinged with genius. Clark could be arrogant, was ruthless in his criticism of what he considered shoddy work and could be self-absorbed in his research and writing, to the point of rudeness.
His was a remote personality Grahame Clark is remembered for his pioneering work in prehistoric economies, in the ecological approach, in the study of organic artefacts, in his initiation of science-based archaeology, in his various excavations and investigative projects, and in his world view of prehistory. The New York Times. Retrieved 20 October Coles, J. Proceedings of the British Academy.
Coles, John In Arkadiusz Marciniak and John Coles eds. Grahame Clark and His Legacy.
Newcastle upon Tyne: Cambridge Scholars Publishing. CS1 maint: uses editors parameter link Fagan, Brian Boulder, CO: Westview Press. Marciniak, Arkadiusz; Coles, John CS1 maint: uses editors parameter link Mulvaney, John CS1 maint: uses editors parameter link Smith, Pamela Jane Bulletin of the History of Archaeology.
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His social media accounts are filled with folksy images of him examining crops, praying with farmers and showing off ties with farm animals on them.see
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In person, Perdue the Cabinet secretary is not unlike Perdue the governor. His team declined to make him available for a sit-down interview for this story. On the road, Perdue makes a point of asking farmers and other agriculture stakeholders what their biggest issues are with Washington and its bureaucracy.
The same three issues pop up over and over: trade, immigration and deregulation. Perdue has undoubtedly had the most tangible impact on deregulation. He has systematically halted, killed or begun to unwind many of the rulemakings pursued by the Obama administration, moves cheered by many ag interests who saw such directives as unnecessary and overly meddlesome.
Far thornier issues for Perdue politically have been trade and immigration, which have put him between farmers — a group that largely backed Trump in the elections — and his orthodoxy-bucking boss. Given the long hours and difficult, physical labor needed during harvest time, many agriculture workers are foreigners — and often lack legal status. Farm labor has at best been a back-burner fight in Washington lately. Perdue, so far, has flown under the radar on that issue.
But perhaps the most high-stakes debate for him, the one that could shape how the farm community ultimately views Perdue and the administration as a whole, could be trade. But there is still uneasiness about what the final product could look like. So this was our main consideration and I think that territorial concerns regarding former properties owned, not only by France, but other Western powers, was really not a matter of major concern. We were fighting to save Western.
In the files of the Library I found a couple of interesting letters. President Truman wrote back a couple of days later and said among other things, "I am counting on you to be on the team, as usual. Judge Rosenman did come to Washington, he went to the convention in Philadelphia, he assisted you I understand with the writing of President Truman's acceptance speech, but when the campaign came on he was not utilized, why? Any particular reason? Certainly there was no break between President Truman and Judge Rosenman. That two-year absence from the scene makes a great deal of difference in government.
You naturally assume that a man has not kept up with the day by day, week by week, or even month by month developments.
Obviously he cannot. He had gone back to the practice of the law and it's just generally understood that he would not be as informed as were those who were working with the President every day. The second point I think is that we had developed a team, after Judge Rosenman left. The President, I think, was really quite satisfied with the team and with the team spirit that existed. Third, I might say that it was loyal, and certainly friendly, of Judge Rosenman to write that letter in March, because there were very few individuals, who in March of '48, thought that President Truman had any chance really to be reelected.
The only time I independently. Now he may have come down once or twice before that, but it would not have been on a very regular occasion. The fact is, the President had rather moved away from those who had been prominent in the Franklin Roosevelt administration. I believe that it is possible that there was maybe some psychological reason he wanted to run on his own. He had been in the shadow of Franklin Roosevelt for so long.
I'm not sure that it was reasoned out that way, but I was very conscious. President Truman himself was asserting his individuality, and asserting his image of a man who was his own boss. And, as a result, persons who had been closely identified with Franklin Roosevelt were not called back for the campaign. If there was any reason that I could think of right offhand, I think that would be it.
I'm not sure that it was specifically discussed. I do not recall from the time we got in the campaign that would be the time between the convention and the election seeing Judge Rosenman once. The President wanted to be surrounded by just his own men and not FDR's men. Would you agree or disagree with the timing of those two Executive orders, or with that premise? CLIFFORD: I suppose that if a President has followed a certain policy and he is then preparing to get into a campaign, that it is considered appropriate at the time to dramatize and emphasize the policies that he has been following.
So, I would say that it is entirely possible that there is some political flavor to the timing of those two events. Let me hasten to add, however, there was no change in policy. I have contended on a number of occasions, that President Truman did more in working toward equality for our minority groups in the United States than any President before him. You perhaps would have to say he did more with the possible exception of Abraham Lincoln.